The Obama administration and Iran, engaged in direct nuclear negotiations and facing a common threat from Islamic State militants, have moved into an effective state of détente over the past year, according to senior U.S. and Arab officials.
The shift could drastically alter the balance of power in
the region, and risks alienating key U.S. allies such as Saudi Arabia and
United Arab Emirates who are central to the coalition fighting Islamic State.
Sunni Arab leaders view the threat posed by Shiite Iran as equal to or greater
than that posed by the radical group Islamic State, also known as ISIS or
ISIL.
Israel contends the U.S. has weakened the terms of its
negotiations with Iran and played down Tehran’s destabilizing role in the
region.
Over the past decade, Washington and Tehran have engaged in
fierce battles for influence and power in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Afghanistan
fueled by the U.S. overthrow of Iraqi strongman Saddam Hussein and the Arab
Spring revolutions that began in late 2010. U.S. officials still say the option
of military action remains on the table to thwart Iran’s nuclear program.
Iran's Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, left, meets with U.S.
Secretary of State John Kerry, far right, in Vienna. ENLARGE
Iran's Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, left, meets with U.S.
Secretary of State John Kerry, far right, in Vienna. Jim Bourg/Press Pool
But recent months have ushered in a change as the two
countries have grown into alignment on a spectrum of causes, chief among them
promoting peaceful political transitions in Baghdad and Kabul and pursuing
military operations against Islamic State fighters in Iraq and Syria, according
to these officials.
The Obama administration also has markedly softened its
confrontational stance toward Iran’s most important nonstate allies, the
Palestinian militant group Hamas and the Lebanese militant and political
organization, Hezbollah. American diplomats, including Secretary of State John
Kerry , negotiated with Hamas leaders through Turkish and Qatari intermediaries
during cease-fire talks in July that were aimed at ending the Palestinian
group’s rocket attacks on Israel, according to senior U.S. officials.
U.S. intelligence agencies have repeatedly tipped off
Lebanese law-enforcement bodies close to Hezbollah about threats posed to
Beirut’s government by Sunni extremist groups, including al Qaeda and its
affiliate Nusra Front in Syria, Lebanese and U.S. officials said.
"This shows that although we see Turkey and Arab states as
our closest allies, our interests and policies are converging with Iran’s,”
said Vali Nasr, dean of the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns
Hopkins University and a former Obama administration official. "This is a
geostrategic reality at this moment, more than a conscious U.S. policy.”
Obama administration officials stressed they’re not directly
coordinating their regional policies or the war against Islamic State with
Iran. They also said pervasive U.S. economic sanctions remain in place on
Tehran, Hamas and Hezbollah.
Still, these officials said the intensive negotiations the
U.S. has pursued with Iran since last year on the nuclear issue could help
stabilize the Mideast and have improved understanding.
"The world is clearly better off now than it would have been
if the leaders on both sides had ignored this opening,” Wendy Sherman, the lead
U.S. negotiator with Iran, said last week.
Iranian officials, including President Hasan Rouhani, have
said there could be more cooperation with the U.S. in the war on Islamic State,
but only if a nuclear accord is reached.
Administration critics, including Israel and Arab states,
see the White House as determined to seal a deal with Iran as a monument to
President Barack Obama’s foreign policy record.
"The Iranian regime is revolutionary and can’t get too close
to us. So I’d be wary of any rapprochement,” said Scott Modell, a former
Central Intelligence Agency officer now at the Center for Strategic and
International Studies in Washington. "I think they are hell bent on pursuing a
number of courses that run counter to U.S. interests.”
Iraq has been at the center of a regional proxy war between
the U.S. and Iran since the George W. Bush administration invaded Baghdad in
2003.
Since the U.S. resumed military operations inside Iraq in
August, however, the Revolutionary Guard, or IRGC, has explicitly ordered its
local proxies not to target American military personnel conducting and
coordinating attacks against Islamic State from bases around Baghdad and Iraq’s
Kurdish region, according to U.S. officials who have tracked Iranian
communications.
Gen. Qasem Soleimani, the commander of the Guard’s overseas
operations known as the Qods Force, specifically instructed Iraqi Shiite
militias long at war with the U.S., such as the Mahdi Army and Kata’ib
Hezbollah, that American efforts to weaken Islamic State were in the long-term
interests of Tehran and its allies, said these officials.
Meanwhile, the U.S. military is planning to play down and
avoid publicity for the annual minesweeping exercise being organized by U.S.
Navy’s Fifth Fleet. In past years, the exercise has been used to highlight
unified opposition to Iranian activities in the Persian Gulf, according to a
U.S. official.
Some officials say de-emphasizing deterrence against Iran
could be destabilizing, signaling to the Revolutionary Guard that the U.S.
isn't going to take steps to counter their measures.
However, the U.S. now has gone beyond the use of signals.
American officials said the Obama administration has passed messages to Tehran
by using the offices of Iraq’s new Shiite prime minister, Haider al-Abadi, as
well as Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, one of Shiite Islam’s most senior
clerics.
The U.S. has also made it clear to Tehran that its
stepped-up military strikes against Islamic State targets in Syria won’t be
turned on forces loyal to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, according to U.S.
officials.
Mr. Assad is Iran’s closest Arab ally. And the Revolutionary
Guard and Gen. Soleimani have mobilized Iranian military personnel and Lebanese
and Iraqi Shiite militiamen to fight inside Syria in support of the Damascus
regime. Any U.S. strikes on Mr. Assad’s security forces could end up hitting
Iranian or Hezbollah soldiers and military advisers, sparking a broader
conflict, U.S. and Arab officials said.
"They [the U.S.] want to focus on ISIL and they are worried
about antagonizing the Iranians, which they say may cause them to react or the militias
in Iraq to react against our embassy and interests in Iraq and derail the
[nuclear] talks,” said a senior U.S. defense
official working on Iraq. "They are
articulating in high-level interagency meetings that they don’t want to do anything that’s
interpreted
by the Iranians as threatening to the regime.”
The détente that has taken hold is filtering into other
theaters of traditional American-Iranian conflict, said U.S. and Arab
officials.
Washington for years has sought to weaken Hezbollah’s
political and military power in Lebanon through sanctions and the backing of
rival political parties in Beirut. But the threat posed by Islamic State, Nusra
Front and other Sunni extremist groups to Lebanon has changed the security dynamics
there, said U.S. and Arab officials.
U.S. intelligence agencies on a number of occasions have
provided tips on terrorist threats to Lebanese security agencies that are known
to be close or under the sway of Hezbollah, said U.S. and Arab officials. Among
them is the intelligence unit, known as the General Security Directorate, which
has arrested Nusra Front cells in Beirut and northern Lebanon over the past two
years.
The Obama administration’s indirect diplomatic engagement
with Hamas has unnerved Israel and allied Arab states. Washington maintains a
policy of no direct talks with the Palestinian group, which is designated a
terrorist organization by the U.S. and European Union. But Mr. Kerry and other
U.S. officials regularly conveyed messages to Hamas’s political chief, Khaled
Meshaal, through Qatari and Turkish diplomats during cease-fire talks this
summer.
Israeli and Arab officials argued this engagement
strengthened Hamas’s profile at the expense of the Palestinian leadership led
by Mahmoud Abbas.
The regional truce playing out between Washington and Tehran
is fragile and could easily be reversed, said U.S., Arab and Iranian officials.
The two sides have set a late November deadline to conclude
a comprehensive agreement aimed at curtailing Iran’s nuclear program in
exchange for an easing of Western sanctions. U.S. officials say the prospects
for the accord remain only 50/50 and that tensions between the two sides could
quickly ratchet up in the wake of a diplomatic failure.
"There is no question that, if everything goes away,
escalation will be the name of the game on all sides, and none of that is
good,” Ms. Sherman said last week.
WSJ